In Part 1 of this article, Oscar Tamsen revealed how Julius Nyerere, an African school teacher, set out to single-handedly outwit the British rulers of Tanganyika in the 1950s with the subtle aid of the United Nations and his admiration for aspects of Chinese Communism.

By various clandestine means, a number of foreign ‘tourists’ from a variety of pro-Communist states started to arrive in Tanganyika under the very nose of its top security men. These newcomers to the African political scene brought with them support in all its forms for Nyerere to stage a presidential take-over with Communist backing.

The plan of these newcomers was very similar to Communist China’s recent intervention into our Pacific Ocean region.

On one occasion when I visited Nyerere against the wish of the Tanganyikan authorities, I noticed a map on his desk, heavily highlighting all of his country’s strategic points such as railway junctions, power plants, dock shipping facilities etc. My mind immediately jumped to the thought that my acquaintance was possibly preparing to stage a violent Communist-style coup d’etat.

From what I have since learned, this was never to be the case. What happened was that certain U.N. officials had quietly assured Nyerere that they would have him installed as leader as long as he denounced violence of any sort as it could derail the Organisation’s overall plan to seek “justice” for all indigenous people in Africa, Canada, New Zealand and Australia. (As it now turns out,  the U.N. still has the same policy and is planning to have all indiginees in the world “freed” by the year 2030.)

A secret plan was hatched to placate all colonial governments in Africa by eventually sending a regular U.N. inspection team to Tanganyika and to order staged self-government by Nyerere and his henchmen.

Whether Tanganyika’s Governor, Sir Edward Twining, was aware of the U.N.’s intentions is not known but, for some unexplained reason, Nyerere was summarily forced to retire from his Legislative Council seat — possibly the worst step that Sir Edward could ever have undertaken for his staunch belief in colonialism.

While he had his government ties so conveniently cut for him by his colonial adversary, Nyerere found himself free to take the Government on single-handedly while now also having the time to organise hundreds of thousands of Tanganyikan tribespeople in what was becoming a major African independence-seeking political party.

During one interview with Nyerere, he revealed to me again that, in opposing colonialism, he intended going down the path of “watered-down Communism” under the guise of a new form of ” communalism,” similar to the Chinese Communist model. He added that he also admired the Israeli kibbutz system and would link this to a form of collective all-Black government.

My personal regard for the man finally drew to an end when I subsequently found he was naively opening his T.A.N.U. doors to secret Communist propogandists under support from the Eastern Communist bloc.

The U.N. Trusteeship Council duly sent its team of so-called political investigators to Tanganyika. I followed these people on parts of their pan-Tanganyikan tour but, from the start, it was obvious that they had already made up their minds to promote Nyerere and independence. A game of hide-and-seek was played out between the Tanganyika Government’s intelligence agents and the U.N. team members over secret meetings with Nyerere and other radical political figures in Tanganyika.

The end result was a report calling for Tanganyika’s staged self-government and with Julius Nyerere eventually becoming Tanganyika’s first Prime Minister and then president, as he had always boasted so brazenly from the word go.

On the day of Tanganyika’s Independence, he openly admitted that he was a politician “made by the U.N.”  To my mind, and in the estimation of most observers, there was also ample evidence that he had, from the start, been heavily aided and abetted by the U.N. and a form of his “watered-down Communism.”

Recent interventions into our Pacific Ocean region by the current Chinese Communist heads of state have provided this foreign correspondent and journalist with ample “watered down” Communist reminders of the U.N. and China’s influence on Tanganyika’s Nyerere.